PARTIJA

Bulletin International

november 2006.

1.

After imposing the new Constitution, the regime in Serbia called for the new Parliamentary elections. Though, the people’s masses find this farce of parliamentarianism obvious, they don’t see an alternative which would help them to step out of the state in which they are stucked. Combining the spreading of fear from regional destabilization after proclaiming Kosovo’s independence and offering “welfare” by the way of so-called European perspective, all political parties are essentially already put in service of conservation of the established capitalist order and saving the interests of global capital.

The consolidation of state apparatus and forces which serve it – police, military, state officials, religious institutions, pro-fascist intelligentsia, controlled media, financial, intelligence and semi-military institutions of imperialism, are sufficient to provide in the forthcoming elections newly established form of people’s exploitation in Serbia. On the other side there is a growing mass of poor and unsatisfied. Those are mostly workers and unemployed who are unorganized and who can in the election give their desperate voice only to someone from a wide spectrum of those people’s enemies or abstain from the elections.

In that situation, Party of Labour and other leftist groups will, by boycotting the elections, call upon the people of Serbia not to give votes to these bandit’s crews regardless of what they’re named – Serbian Radical Party, Socialist Party of Serbia, Democratic Party of Serbia, Democratic Party… In the same time, with numerous actions they will develop consciousness among people’s masses on possibilities of alternative, namely that is necessary to crash a capitalist order which brought to them new forms of exploitation and that it’s possible to successfully resist to system of global fascism, which is proved by people and revolutionary movements across the world.

2.

The general crisis of capitalism forces imperialists’ forces to look for their reserve in new forms of fascism. In most of European countries fascist groups which based their ideology on ideals from period in the eve of the WWII today are marching openly. Regardless of the fact that they declaratively reject globalism, contemporary processes of global fascization manage to integrate them within ranks of global imperialism’s allies. Imperialistic “War on terror” and “Fortress of Europe”’s pursuit to control immigration from former colonies to metropolis, encourages anti-Muslim propaganda and racism which is common for various fascist organizations. In Serbia, that kind of symbiosis between forces of organized fascism which is based in war politics of 90s and ruling groups which capitalist system is strengthening by connecting them with so-called Euro-Atlantic structures is appearing. In Serbia, bourgeoisie carefully relates towards actions in which fascism is openly displayed, taking an attitude on the verge of benevolence regarding racist manifestations in the sport stadiums or regarding convicted neo-nazis from Nacionalni stroj (National Formation). This relation is not hard to explain having in mind justification of war crimes from 1991, as well as official rehabilitation of quislings and fascist collaborationists from WWII.

Party of Labour was from the beginning of 1990’s determinated for open struggle against various manifestation of fascism, since it continues an anti-fascist tradition of Yugoslav revolutionary movement. That determination was additionally motivated with resistance to NATO occupation. Everyday strengthening of anti-fascist front is needed as a guaranty of strengthening international front of resistance against imperialism.

3.

After a long period of prevailing of reactionary ideas, nationalist consciousness and serving to interests of comprador capitalists in Universities in Serbia, the consciousness is raising among student youth about a necessity of resisting to neo-liberal policies and stabilization of capitalist relations in all spheres of society. Student protests, which were initiated this fall in Belgrade, are the first in last few decades, to point at general social problems in the country and demand the respect for the rights which were achieved during the socialist revolution. By asking to lower scholar tuition fee and to determine this amount taking into consideration the standard of working class and wide layer of population, as well as asking that during the equalization of achieved academic titles with demands of so-called Bologna process, graduates are not demaged in the labour market, students are opening issues which petty-bourgeois intelligentsia in Serbia systematically neglected. Militancy expressed in these protest, open attacks on regime politicians, dropping-in on University management meeting and blockage of faculties, is giving hope that student movement will start to develop into the direction of serious social critic.

4.

Due to a strengthening of revolutionary movement and deepening of contradictions within Turkish society, Turkish repressive regime reinforces the offensive against progressive forces. On one hand, military offensive in Kurdistan tries to curtail armed movement for self-determination, and on the other hand, police and judicial actions strike against those forces within Turkish society which consistently abide to the proletarian principle of internationalism, support the just struggle of Kurdish people and fight for more just socialist community of people. Turkish government gain support in these actions by other imperialist forces, like US which provide weapons to Turkish Army and sends its military instructors and EU, which actively participate in exile of Turkish revolutionaries.

Synchronization of EU-imperialists and Turkish regime in exiling Turkish and Kurdish revolutionaries is seen the best in a joint action which was initiated in Peruggia, Italy in 2004.The result of that action was an arrest of more than 120 revolutionaries in Turkey, Northern Kurdistan, the Netherlands, Italy, Germany and Belgium. In Belgium these days punishments have been increased to the imprisoned revolutionaries, and that happening in the moment of escalation of Turkish action regime against progressive forces in Turkey itself.

Bulletin International

october 2006.

1.

The President of the US, George Bush, stated a great truth while addressing the nation, “US security depends upon the outcome of the fighting in the streets of Baghdad.” This thought reveals the current position of imperialism and the US. It is obvious that US is no longer capable of conducting operations against the widening front of worldwide people’s resistance. This will provoke a World War Three of imperialism against the people of the world.  The position of the US as an omnipotent force is being increasingly questioned. With this in mind, the insistence on NATO's expansion is an important part of strengthening imperialism's position. In the first place, forcefully including countries under NATO's wing is an act of occupation and a form of neocolonialism. Western imperialists are settling territory without fighting, single-mindedly exploiting natural resources, attempting to gain strategic advantage over other imperialist countries, like Russia and China, and acquiring human stock – cannon fodder for waging permanent war, more easily oppressing people's resistance, and strengthening  puppet regimes. Another main reason for conducting this imperialist strategy is the attempt to strengthen the position of a historically out-dated society that is rejected by masses worldwide. Resisting the dragging of countries under NATO umbrella is essential for every revolutionary party and revolutionary movement. One’s position towards this World War Three is the line which separates and allies parties and determines their future. It is the demarcation line which all parties faced on the eve of World War Two. It demands the development of an anti-fascist front against fascist attacks of in Europe.

Because of the US and other imperialists' inability to confront the growing resistance of the masses worldwide and the increasing need for new soldiers and safe reserves, the question of one’s relationship towards World War Three will become more important by the day. The task of revolutionary parties is to treat soldiers in service of imperialism on their territory as the enemy and to act accordingly.  They must adjust combat tactics to the specific circumstances in which they operate. The Party of Labour has previously stated that people of the Balkans should develop a strong anti-imperialist movement, and that the struggle for NATO's withdrawal from the Balkans must be a priority of this movement. The armed forces of Balkan countries allied with NATO in its oppression of the anti-imperialist movement, should be treated as a collaborating army, a legitimate combat target.

2.

The second emerging frontline of revolutionary struggle is in Northern Kurdistan and Turkey.  It is extremely important for the further strengthening of the revolutionary movement worldwide. Actions undertaken by Turkish fascistic regimes against the strengthening revolutionary movement in Turkey are a confirmation that the enduring struggle and the martyrdom of Turkish and Kurdish revolutionaries will bring results. The eruption of armed actions and people's resistance in Turkey will be very important for imperialism's defeat.  It will encourage a new wave of revolutionary struggle worldwide and will lead the masses to join revolutionary movements. The Party of Labour looks with admiration at the development of a revolutionary movement in Turkey and is convinced that comrades from the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Turkey/Northern Kurdistan (MLKP), the Maoist Communist Party (MKP) and other revolutionary parties will know to adjust their struggle to the current circumstances and will strengthen their position among Turkish and Kurdish people. The Party of Labour thinks that small parties and groups that act behind front lines—these are the only groups which act in the Balkans—should accelerate the development of a unified anti-imperialist movement of the Balkans. That will mean supporting comrades on the second front line in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan. In the future, this will lead to a weakening of military pressure on the second front line and the gradual elevation of the fighting level in the Balkans. Previously formed organizations in Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia, and Albania should take the lead in accomplishing this task and give a significant contribution.

3.

“Self-determination” movement (“Vetëvendosje!”) among the Albanian masses in Kosovo is at a historical crossroads. Well formulated goals—fight for Kosovo's independence from Serbian domination and the boot of new imperialist colonizers and against those ‘who drink the sweat of the Kosovar people—should gain deeper roots within the Albanian masses. Historical circumstances favor this movement. These circumstances are the readiness for formally establishing Kosovo's independence as imperialists' protectorate, the increasing class division, contentiousness, and social problems in Kosovo's society. The facts about the latter clearly speak for themselves. According to data from the Kosovo Committee for the Protection of Human Rights, more than 50% of Kosovo's population is poor.  Extreme poverty has increased from 15% to 18%. The number of suicides, which were relatively rare in Kosovo until 1999, is also increasing.  More than 43,000 families receive social support ranging from 40 to 60 euros from Ministry of Labour.  More than 50% of the working-age population is unemployed. However, in addition to these social preconditions for political struggle, it should be considered that the massive movement for self-determination will face strong opposition from the puppet regime in Kosovo, military contingent of imperialist forces, and neighboring regimes, which will support the defeat of this and similar movements. The road in front of “Self-determination” is not going to be easy. Any kind of isolationism, adventurism, or an undeveloped internationalist position will jeopardize this movement’s ability to accomplish its goals. The Party f Labour believes that “Self-determination” will raise its struggle to a higher level.  With better organization and increased cooperation with groups that will grow in the Balkans in the future, it will lead the Albanian masses in Kosovo towards accomplishing its historical goals.

4.

Small-scale actions conducted by the Party of Labour and other revolutionary groups are signs that despite the capitalist system’s consolidation in Serbia, the growing military presence of imperialism and multinational capital, and a dismembered and disoriented working class, more decisive confrontation is needed with representatives of organized fascism, the capitalist regime, and all forms of imperialist enslavement, especially what is conducted by NATO. The phase of resistance to war, fascistic bewilderment, and Milosevic’s chauvinist politics in Yugoslavia is behind us. New circumstances have developed which demand new responses from revolutionary parties and groups. The shortage in numbers and in strength of these parties can’t be an excuse for insufficient decisiveness to confront the class enemy. The Party of Labour has always advocated for unified action by all groups that have clear a class position, anti-imperialist character and unambiguously confront nationalism and fascism in the former Yugoslavia. The increasing poverty, humiliation and lack of freedom in which the masses are exploited demand an adequate resistance. The exploited masses will recognize in those who prove themselves as revolutionaries true fighters for liberation from the growing dominance of imperialists and local exploiters.  They will fight against all forms of ethnic fascism and lead the Yugoslav masses to work together with people of the Balkans to build a new society of social justice, national equality and human freedom.